Case Study Research Essay

Case One: Barsz v. Max Shapiro, Inc. Ind. Ct. App. 600 N.E.2d 151 (1992) Fact: Marjorie Barsz brought negligence action against Shapiro’s Delicatessen Cafeteria to recover for personal injuries sustained when she slipped and fell, breaking her right ankle and left knee cap. Her husband, Carl Barsz brought action against the restaurant for loss of consortium with his wife due to Mrs. Barsz’s injuries. The Circuit Court of Shelby County granted summary judgment for the restaurant, and the plaintiffs appealed. The Court of Appeals of Indiana, First District held that genuine issues of material facts existed and reversed the summary judgment. Issue: Was Shapiro’s Delicatessen Cafeteria negligent in identifying and remedying the condition of the floor in the restaurant, causing Marjorie Barsz’s accident? Rule: GOLBA v. KOHL’S DEPT. STORE, INC. Ind. Ct. App. 585 N.E.2d 14 (1992) Analysis: To avoid summary judgment, Marjorie Barsz had to show that there was a defective condition in the floor of the restaurant which caused her slip and fall, and that the restaurant unreasonably failed to discover and remedy the hazardous condition. Genuine material facts existed which precluded summary judgment for the restaurant. Summary judgment is generally inappropriate in negligence cases. Trial Procedure Rule 56(C) Conclusion: A restaurant cannot be held strictly liable for a fall that occurred before having a reasonable chance to remove a foreign substance from its floor; restaurant as not the absolute guarantor of customer safety. However, summary judgment cannot be granted when a genuine material fact exists. Case Two: Golba v. Kohl’s Dept. Store, Inc. Ind. Ct. App. 585 N.E.2d 14 (1992) Facts: Plaintiff Stella Golba brought negligence action against defendant Kohl’s Department Store stemming from a slip and fall accident. Ms. Golba stepped on a small object on a glossy floor, causing her to trip and fall. The floor had only been swept once on the morning of the accident. The Circuit Court of Starke County granted the store’s motion for summary judgment, and the plaintiff appealed. The Court of Appeals of Indiana, Third District held that material issues of fact existed and reversed the summary judgment. Issue: Was Kohl’s Department Store negligent in maintaining their floors in a safe condition for patrons? Rule: BURRELL v. MEADS Ind. 569 N.E.2d 637 (1991) Analysis: A land owner is subject to liability for physical harm caused to his invitees by a condition on the land if, but only if, he knows or exercising reasonable care would discover the condition, and should realize that it is an unreasonable risk of harm to invitees, and should expect that they will not realize the danger, or will not protect themselves against it, and fails to exercise reasonable care to protect them against the danger. Normally, determining whether the host has exercised reasonable care to make their premises safe for an invitee is a question of fact for a jury. Conclusion: Sweeping of a floor only once in the morning does not constitute exercise of reasonable care to prevent injury to customers from objects left in the floor. The issue of fact as to whether the store had notice of the object in the floor precluded a summary judgment.

Corporate Social Responsibility in South Africa and Ghana: a Comparison of Successes, Failures and Futures in a “Developed” and an “Undeveloped” African Country

Corporate Social Responsibility in South Africa and Ghana: a comparison of successes, failures and futures in a â€Å"developed† and an â€Å"undeveloped† African country Few industries affect the social, economic and environmental sectors to the extent that the mining industry does. As minerals development expanded, so the international awareness of its impacts grew. Mining-related legislation, both internationally and nationally, has evolved significantly in the past two decades, actively aimed at ensuring Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR), where companies are held accountable for their actions. In developing countries like South Africa and Ghana that are heavily dependent on gold trade and the associated international investment, the challenge is to ensure that environmental and social impacts of mining are mitigated, that non-renewable resources are converted into national wealth and that mining-generated revenue is claimed and disbursed. In this paper the evolution of CSR in South Africa, a more developed African Nation, and Ghana, a less developed African nation, are compared. Recommendations are made as to potential avenues for CSR progression. The objectives of international mining policy reform have changed dramatically in the past few decades. During the 1970s the aim of mining policy was to increase government control. During the 1980s the aims of reform became to increase investment and to mitigate the socio-economic impacts of mining. This was attempted through the Growth Employment and Reconstruction plan in SA (Fig, 2005), and the Economic Recovery Plan in Ghana (Hilson, 2002). Both plans advocated more privatization, trade liberalization and deregulation. Although the general international trend was to redefine the role of the state, particularly in industrial areas, the adoption of this ambition by African countries has proven detrimental. Biersteker (1990) argues that the reduction of the state greatly reduced its function to govern, particularly undercutting its regulatory ability, its function as a mediator in civil disputes and its ability to regulate and collaborate with the private sector. Campbell (2005) poses that this is because the legislative and regulatory reform adopted by many developing mining-dependent African countries during the past few decades has undermined the role of the state and has proved incompatible with the challenges of the countries concerned. This has impaired the ability of these governments to exert CSR pressure on mining companies. CSR in Africa has grown parallel to these changes in the role of the state, and international mining legislation has had varying impacts on SA and Ghanaian regulations. Despite being based on a non-renewable resource, the main theme in changing international legislation is that of sustainable development, particularly in developing countries in which a large percentage of mining is done by foreign companies. It is, however, the sovereign right of a state to exploit its natural resources. This sovereignty was vehemently upheld by post-colonial developing nations that rely on mineral resources, two prominent examples of which being SA and Ghana. It has become apparent, however, that mining has far-reaching impacts that often have transboundary degrading effects, resulting in international attempts at regulation. CSR in South Africa The formal terms of CSR in SA were originally raised in 1972 and the view taken by many businesses was that they should not have to take responsibility for Apartheid, but should rather improve social standards within their respective businesses. These concepts were formalized in the Sullivan Principles, which were aimed at entrenching non-discrimination in the workplace into the core business activities, particularly in SA-based US companies (Visser, 2005). Although other CSR groups formed, like the Consultative Business Movement, the move away from philanthropy only really became evident after the first democratic elections in 1994, and when the Black Economic Empowerment Programme (BEE) was introduced. The aim of BEE is to promote equal racial ownership, education, training and local economic development. In 2002 the goal for black ownership in the mining sector was set at 26% within 10 years (Fig, 2005). BEE was particularly important in the mining sector, as in order to obtain mining rights, businesses had to meet the requirements of a BEE ‘scorecard’. A number of principles have been introduced to target human rights, a major CSR concern in SA. These include Voluntary Principles on Human Rights and Security and the OECD Risk Awareness Tool for Multinational Enterprises in Weak Governance Zones (Hamann, 2009). Another important milestone was the Kings Report, released in 2002, which outlined the CSR requirements for companies, including â€Å"recogniz[ing] that stakeholders such as the community in which the company operates, its customers, its employees and its suppliers amongst others need to be considered when developing the strategy of a company† (Visser, 2005). It also requires that businesses report annually on their social, transformation (including BEE), ethical, safety, health and environmental management policies. A positive and innovative spinoff of the King’s Report was the introduction of a Kings Index on the Johannesburg Stock Exchange. Companies are required to meet the criteria of the King’s Report in order to list with the JSE, providing a fiscally competitive incentive to adopt CSR principles (Dale, 2005). This progressive legislation forms the beginnings of a seemingly sound CSR framework. But the SA government struggles to maintain the pressure needed to enforce all of its requirements. As in Ghana, SA’s dependence on the mining industry makes the government loathe to confront deviant companies for fear of disinvestment and job losses. Firms often run philanthropic programmes merely as an attempt to maintain â€Å"business as usual†, satisfying the bare minimum for CSR. The lack of government capacity is most prominent in environmental requirements. Many mining companies have introduced more stringent environmental management regulations and have increased CSR spending, but Fig (2005) shows that due to lack of governmental pressure and effective sustainable reporting, many of the claims of these companies do not match their actions. In recognition of its weaknesses, however, the SA government has adopted provision for voluntary conflict resolution within its environmental legislation (Fig, 2005). As an example of a developing country embracing CSR, SA has proven itself relatively forward-thinking and successful. SA is at the forefront of CSR legislation in Africa. It is in the inability to enforce these laws that the clearest CSR similarities, and failures, with Ghana, a less developed African nation, can be seen. CSR in Ghana For the past 1000 years Ghana has enjoyed a thriving gold trade. However, due to political turmoil and changing mining and economic policy, by the beginning of the 1980s the gold-mining industry was virtually stagnant, and became the focal point in the country’s Economic Recovery Programme in 1983 (Campbell, 2005). Ghana also received assistance from the World Bank, the conditions of which resulted in the elimination of most barriers to entry for foreign investors, including reducing corporate taxes, royalty payments, foreign exchange taxes and import duties. The company retention amounts negotiated by foreign investors were far above average and signify the extentto which the Ghanaian government was prepared to go to stimulate the industry (Campbell, 2005). This also indicates the extent to which the government was and is prepared to turn a blind eye to companies’ exploitation of the country. Liberalized legislation resulted in an approximate 800-fold growth of the predominantly foreign-controlled gold mining industry in the past 20 years. But this growth has been accompanied by very little change in the quality of life of the Ghanaian people. In 2006 the International Council on Mining and Metals claimed that gold mining has not only ‘kick-started† Ghana’s economy, but that many of the large-scale mining companies are â€Å"committed to [CSR]†. In contrast, Hilson (2007) argues locals’ lives have been worsened by the increased use of land, relocations and environmental dilapidation. Because of the lax policies adopted by the government, the nation’s share of the mineral development profits has been minimal. Despite the 40% contribution of total merchandise export earnings that gold-mining in Ghana represents, the contribution to GDP is only 2-3% (Hilson, 2002). Thus the government lacks fiscal control, and as such cannot redirect funds efficiently towards development projects. The most formal adoption of international policy in Ghana was that of the Global Mining Initiative (GMI) in 1998. Ghanaian mining companies claimed that â€Å"a series of dynamic and innovative community development projects†¦ empowering rural communities and improving quality of life† were to be initiated (Garvin, 2009). But others report that the mines are encroaching on indigenous land, resulting in cultural dislocation, poverty, displacement and environmental damage. Promises of jobs and adequate compensation have been broken. This is evident in the relatively small number of Ghanaians employed by mining companies, a mere 20 000, despite the immensesize of the industry (Garvin, 2009). An interesting response to growing unemployment is the intensification of small-scale, artisanal mining, nicknamed the galamsey. The galamseyhave become an important means for support for many subsistence farmers who have been displaced, but their illegal status has led to them being labelled â€Å"hazardous and environmentally damaging† by the Chamber of Mines (Bush, 2008). There is potential for both large and small scale miners to collaborate, as they have different methods and it is uneconomical for one to do what the other does. This has been proven by Goldfields, who have leased small portions of land to groups of galamsey. Most large-scale gold ines refuse to license their unused land for work, so the galamseyare forced to mine illegally in order to eke out a living. Hilson (2007) accuses the large mining companies of supporting a massive military sweep aimed at eradicating the galamsey, which resulted in human rights violations and many forced removals. Instead of taking advantage of collaborative opportunities major mine operators in Ghana have resorted to the most common CSR endeavours amongst extractive mine companies: the building of schools, clinics and libraries. These CSR projects are still predominantly philanthropic and unsustainable. Garvin (2009) determined, through a series of surveys, that although many locals perceived an increase in social welfare, they reported a decline in security, increased crime, cyanide-poisoned water, and other environmental hazards resulting in a lack of useful agricultural land. Notwithstanding the urgings from the World Bank Industries Review, Departments for International Development, the UN, and limited pressure from the Chamber of Mines, most CSR programmes that go beyond philanthropy emphasize the expansion of existing practices such as pig-rearing, livestock and activities. These give little opportunity for advancement, provide little more than subsistence wages and definitely do not contribute to sustainable economic growth (Hilson, 2007). One of the largest problems with CSR in Ghana, and similarly in SA, is the lack of communication between government, companies and public. Mining companies enter into agreements with the national government, paying royalties of 9%, of which 3% go towards community development (Hilson, 2007). These monies pass through many layers of government and administration, and often very little reach the locals they are meant to compensate. Inhabited land is often designated for mining with little or no consent from the inhabitants. Under the Minerals and Mining Act (2006) mining companies are required to compensate displaced people for their crops and use of land, but these payments are still woefully undervalued (Hilson, 2007). Locals value their land quite differently from the value placed on it by mine employees and the lack of communication only worsens these discrepancies. The regulatory and reporting systems in Ghana are very poor, effectively making the situation for many locals worse than that seen in SA. There have been few legal efforts made to legislate mining activities, thus the improvement of CSR practices is dependent on international legislation, NGOs and pressure groups. Changing the CSR Pyramid There are certain drivers of CSR that are significantly different in developing countries than in developed countries like Europe and the US. Existing models must be adapted to fit the individual needs of developing countries. One such model is Carroll's pyramid, consisting of 4 tiers; economic, legal, ethical and philanthropic responsibilities. draw:frame} {draw:frame} {draw:frame} Figure 1: Pyramid models for CSR drivers (adapted from Visser, 2006) Visser advocates thatto adapt Carroll's pyramid to developing countries, economic responsibilities are given the highest priority, followed by philanthropic, legal and ethical. The economic tier represents the need for businesses to not only ensure that direct foreign investment increases, alleviating poverty and unemployment, but that fu rther investment is generated, goods and services produced and stable infrastructure built. Visser argues that the emphasis on philanthropy is necessary because of the dire situation and poor quality of life in many developing countries thathave become reliant on donor assistance. Philanthropy has become ingrained in developing country CSR. The legal responsibilities are of lower priority because the pressure to adhere to legislation in developing countries is less than in developed countries. In order to elicit response, both nationally and internationally, sustainable indicators must be developed allowing more accurate reporting of CSR successes and failures. Efficient and diverse indicators allow for better sustainable reporting and transparency. These indicators serve two main functions: providing guidelines for company policy and government policy (Danegard, 2005). Increasing the number of indicators increases the scope for surveys or investigations. Data collected from these is usually validated by companies and government, and is, as yet, not mandatory. Although these inquiries may provide useful data, Danegard (2005) suggests that the use of third party verification may be necessary where governments lack the capacity for collection and evaluation. References Biersteker, T. J. , 1990. Reducing the Role of the State in the Economy: A Conceptual Exploration of IMF and World Bank Prescriptions. International Studies Quarterly, 34(4), 477-492. Bush, R. , 2009. ‘Soon there will be no-one left to take the corpses to the morgue’: Accumulation and abjection in Ghana’s mining communities. Resources Policy, 34, 57-63. Campbell, B. , 2005. The Challenges of Development, Mining Codes in Africa and Corporate Responsibility. In International and Comparative Mineral Law and Policy . International Energy and Resources Law & Policy. The Netherlands: Kluwer Law International, pp. 801-822. Dale, M. , 2005. Comparative International and African Mineral Law as Applied in the Formation of the New South African Mineral Development Legislation. In International and Comparative Mineral Law and Policy . International Energy and Resources Law & Policy. The Netherlands: Kluwer Law International, pp. 823-852. Dalupan, M. , 2005. Mining and Sustainable Development: Insights from International Law. In International and Comparative Mineral Law and Policy . International Energy and Resources Law & Policy. The Netherlands: Kluwer Law International, pp. 149-168. Danegard, A. , 2005. Sustainable development indicators for the minerals industry: Who needs them? What stakes justify producing them? In International and Comparative Mineral Law and Policy . The Netherlands: Kluwer Law International, pp. 621-626. Fig, D. , 2005. Manufacturing amnesia: Corporate Social Responsibility in South Africa. International Affairs, 81(3), 599-617. Garvin, T. et al. , 2009. Community-company relations in gold mining in Ghana. Journa of Environmental Management, 90, 571-586. Hamann, R. 2004. Corporate social responsibility, partnerships, and institutional change: The case of mining companies in South Africa. Natural Resources Forum, 28, 278-290. Hamann, R. , 2003. Mining companies’ role in sustainable development: the ‘why’ and ‘how’ of corporate social responsibility from a business perspective. Development Southern Africa, 20(2), 237-254. Hamann, R. , 2009. South Africa: The Role of History, Government, and Local Context. In Global Practices of Corporate Social Responsibility. Berlin: Springer, pp. 435-462. Hamann, R. & Kapelus, P. , 2004. Corporate Social Responsibility in Mining in Southern Africa: Fair accountability or just greenwash? Development, 47(3), 85-92. Hilson, G. , 2007. Championing the Rhetoric? ‘Corporate Social Responsibility’ in Ghana’s Mining Sector. GMI, 53. Hilson, G. , 2002. Harvesting mineral riches: 1000 years of gold mining in Ghana. Resources Policy, 28, 13-26. Littlewood, G. , 2000. The Global Mining Initiative – Address to Mining 2000. Visser, W. , 2005. Corporate Citizenship in South Africa – A Review of Progress since Democracy. JCC, 18, 28-38. Visser, W. , 2006. Corporate Social Responsibility in Developing Countries. pp. 473-499.

Succubus on Top CHAPTER 10

Jerome didn't seem very happy to hear from me the next morning. â€Å"Do you have any idea what time it is, Georgie?† he growled into the phone. â€Å"Why are you whining? You don't even need to sleep.† â€Å"Make this fast.† I told him about my experience at the concert and my inability to ID the mystery immortal. â€Å"He wasn't one of us. Er, I mean, you know†¦not part of our†¦pantheon,† I finished lamely. â€Å"‘Pantheon?' I've never heard it put quite like that – outside of an introductory mythology class, of course.† â€Å"So?† â€Å"So what?† â€Å"So isn't that weird? I've met hundreds of different immortals and never felt one like this. He didn't feel†¦normal. I mean, he did feel like an immortal, but it was just weird.† â€Å"Well, hard as it is to believe, there are still a lot of things out there you haven't experienced – despite your vast age. â€Å" â€Å"Yeah, yeah, I know I'm an infant, all right? But doesn't this worry you at all?† He yawned. â€Å"Not in the least. Something angelic ordemonic would, but some random demigod or satyr? Hardly. They're not part of the game. Well, they're all part of the Game. What I mean is, they're not part of our game. They don't have to get permission to be here. As long as they don't interfere with our business, I don't really care. They do their own thing. We'll just catalog them and move on.† â€Å"Catalog? You've got a record then?† â€Å"Well, I don't, of course. That's one of Grace and Mei's things.† No surprise there. Jerome wasn't really big on†¦well, work. Grace and Mei were subordinate demonesses who did a lot of the dirty jobs he didn't want to. I hardly ever saw them. â€Å"I'll have to page them,† I murmured, mind spinning. â€Å"You know, I suppose it goes without saying that there are a hundred other more useful projects you could be channeling your energy into. Like, say, helping your incubus friend. From what I hear, he's stuck high and dry out in the suburbs. Emphasis on the high.† â€Å"Hey,† I said, defensive of Bastien's honor, â€Å"he's just taking his time. You can't rush quality work. Besides, he learned everything he knows from me. â€Å" â€Å"Somehow that doesn't reassure me.† Jerome disconnected. I hunted down Grace and Mei's number. I waited for the tone, punched in my call-back number, and hung up. A minute later, a Fourth of July worthy shower of sparks appeared in my living room and the two demonesses stood before me. For having chosen two very different bodies, the pair looked remarkably alike. Grace was slim in an all-business, non-nubile sort of way, enhanced by the designer black skirt and jacket she wore. She had pale blond hair cut bluntly at chin length, brown-black eyes, and skin that never saw the sun. The only true color on her was the fire engine red lipstick she wore. Mei dressed exactly the same, down to the red lipstick. Her hair, also chin-length, was a deep blue-black. Despite the softer lines, higher cheekbones, and delicate almond shape of her dark eyes, she radiated no more warmth or friendliness than her counterpart. The two always stuck together, and I assumed they must be friends. Sort of. I had no doubt they'd claw each other's eyes out – or Jerome's, for that matter – if an opportunity for power or promotion was on the line. â€Å"Georgina,† said Mei. â€Å"Long time no see,† said Grace. Both watched me expectantly. Aubrey watched them from the back of my couch, her hair on end and tail poofed out. â€Å"Hey guys,† I replied uneasily. â€Å"Thanks for coming over so fast. Slow day?† They both stared at me. â€Å"Um, so, okay. Jerome said you keep records of immortals who pass in and out of the city. Immortals who are outside of our†¦Ã¢â‚¬  â€Å"Game?† suggested Grace. â€Å"Pantheon?† suggested Mei. â€Å"Yeah. Sure. So†¦do you?† â€Å"Who are you looking for?† asked Mei. â€Å"What kind of immortal?† asked Grace. â€Å"That's the problem.† I told them everything I knew about him, which mostly included appearance and other encounters when I'd felt that weird sensation. Describing his signature was harder. I couldn't exactly say he felt like an incubus or an angel or a nymph or an oni. I hadn't run across his type before. The demonesses processed this information, glanced at each other, and then shook their heads. â€Å"He doesn't sound familiar,† said Grace. â€Å"But we can double-check the records,† said Mei. â€Å"Thanks,† I told them. â€Å"I'd really appreciate it.† They nodded curtly and turned as if to leave. Mei suddenly glanced back at me. â€Å"You should hang out with us sometime,† she said unexpectedly. â€Å"Cleo's in Capitol Hill has great specials on Ladies Night.† â€Å"There are so few of us girls around here,† added Grace. â€Å"We need to stick together.† They smiled and disappeared. I shivered. Going to a bar with those two sounded only marginally more appealing than stamping with Dana's CPFV friends. Speaking of which, I decided to visit Bastien later that afternoon. I hadn't heard from him in a few days. â€Å"Do you have any idea how much I don't care about your mortal friends?† he snapped when I told him about the whole bizarre situation surrounding Doug, Alec, and the mystery man. â€Å"I have real problems here. I'm dying. I'm getting nowhere with Dana. I keep seeing her, she's nice, and that's it! It's like she only wants – â€Å" â€Å"To be friends?† He stopped pacing around his kitchen and cut me an arch look. â€Å"Women are never just friends with me.† He leaned against the counter and closed his eyes. â€Å"I just can't think what else to do. If I don't act fast, one of our superiors is going to find out how bad things are.† I decided not to mention Jerome's â€Å"high and dry† comment just then. â€Å"Well, jeez, take a break and do something fun. Peter's having another poker game. Come over and play with us. I'm going to bring Seth.† â€Å"I thought you said this was going to be fun.† â€Å"Hey! Who was that a dig at? Peter or Seth?† â€Å"Pick one, Fleur .Although, admittedly, Peter does make a pretty decentsouffle. What can the author do?† â€Å"I wish you'd stop picking on Seth. You don't even know him.† Bastien shrugged. â€Å"Sorry. You just make it so easy.† â€Å"You're jealous.† â€Å"Hardly,† he snorted. â€Å"I've had my share of mortal infatuations, thank you. So have you, if memory serves. And you've also had a number of immortal boyfriends you seemed to have liked reasonably well. None of them ever gave you as much grief as this guy.† â€Å"Seth's different. I can't explain it. Being with him just feels so†¦right. I feel like I've known him forever. â€Å" † Fleur , I've known you forever. You've only known this guy for a couple months.† We had gotten involved pretty quickly, and it did bug me sometimes, but I truly believed in the strength and depth of my feelings for Seth. They were neither superficial nor transient – I hoped. He had once told me there was no one else in the world for him but me. When I'd pointed out that was a bold statement in light of how long we'd known each other, he'd simply said, â€Å"Sometimes you just know.† It was remarkably similar to what my husband, Kyriakos, had told me when we'd first met, back in my long-ago, dust-covered days as a mortal. I'd been fifteen at the time, and my father had sent me down to the docks of our town with a message for Kyriakos, father. Sending me alone was a bit unorthodox, but my father hadn't thought much about it since he was only a short distance away at the market. Nonetheless, I found it a frightening walk. Sweaty, dirty men worked ceaselessly, unloading and loading in the hot sun while the turquoise Mediterranean shimmered beyond them. I got directions from a short, bald man who leered up at me when he finished. â€Å"You're a tall girl,† he observed. â€Å"Bet that might bother some men, but not me. You're just the right height as far as I'm concerned.† He laughed, and some of his companions laughed too. The man's face came up right to the height of my chest. I hurried past them with lowered eyes, honing in on the indicated ship. Relief flooded me when I found Kyriakos checking lines and talking to some of the workers. I'd never spoken to him, but I knew who his father was and knew he was trustworthy. He looked up at my approach and smiled. â€Å"You're Marthanes, daughter, right? Letha?† I nodded. â€Å"I'm supposed to tell your father that the shipment can be ready this evening if he wants it early.† â€Å"I'll let him know. He's not here.† â€Å"All right.† We stood there awkwardly for a moment. I could sense him studying me out of the corner of his eye while pretending to study the workers. He looked like he wanted to say something, but when nothing came, I made motions to go. â€Å"Well, thanks. I should get back.† â€Å"Wait, Letha.† He reached out a hand to stop me from turning, then shyly pulled back before actually touching me. â€Å"You†¦didn't walk here by yourself, did you?† â€Å"My father said it wasn't that far. And that I wasn't in much danger of attracting interest. â€Å" Kyriakos made a harsh sound in his throat. â€Å"Your father's a fool. Let me walk you back.† He hesitated. â€Å"But don't tell your father I called him a fool.† He exchanged a few curt words with one of his men and then set out back to town with me. He was older than me, his face tanned from sun and sea. His hair was black and messy, about chin-length, and he stood almost – but not quite – as tall as I did. â€Å"I saw you at that wedding a few days ago,† he said after a long stretch of silence. â€Å"You were dancing with some other girls. You know†¦you're really good.† The compliment surprised me. â€Å"I think the wine helped.† â€Å"No. The wine helped the other girls – or hindered, maybe. I'm not sure.† He glanced over at me, and I nearly stumbled at the intensity in his dark eyes. â€Å"But you†¦dancing lives inside of you. The music spoke to you, and you understood it.† â€Å"You were playing a flute,† I recalled, trying not to blush at the regard in his voice. â€Å"Yes.† He sounded happy that I remembered. Silence fell again. We were almost to the market; the sounds of people and commerce drifted down to us. Kyriakos clearly wanted us to keep talking. â€Å"So†¦I heard your sister got married last spring.† â€Å"Yes.† â€Å"What about you?† I eyed him. â€Å"I didn't get married last spring.† A smile turned up the edges of his lips. â€Å"What about next spring?† â€Å"Are you offering?† â€Å"Just checking. I heard my father say†¦Ã¢â‚¬  I stopped walking near the edge of the market, so I could look him in the eye again. People and animals moved around us, and across a walkway I could see my father talking to a fruit vendor. â€Å"Look,† I said brusquely, â€Å"I heard my father say it too – how they're thinking about making a marriage between our families. It'd create good trade deals. But if you're trolling for that, you should talk to your father about one of my sisters, not me.† â€Å"What? Don't you want to get married?† His smile faltered. â€Å"Or is someone else lined up for you?† I stared incredulously. â€Å"No, of course not. You just don't want to marry me, that's all.† â€Å"I don't?† â€Å"No. You want one of my sisters.† â€Å"I do?† â€Å"Yes. They're shorter, prettier, nicer – and softer spoken.† â€Å"Can they dance?† I considered. â€Å"No. They're terrible.† His shy smile returned. â€Å"Then I want you.† â€Å"You're crazy. You don't know what you're talking about. You don't know anything about me. † Of course, in those days, most people knew little about their betrothed. What I found remarkable was his conviction that we were compatible. â€Å"It doesn't matter. I can just tell that you're the one. Can't you feel it?† I met his eyes and felt a shiver go through me, like I'd stumbled into something bigger and more powerful than both of us. For just a moment, I allowed myself to consider that this man from a highly respected family might legitimately be interested in me. It was a heady feeling, and not just from the honor involved. It was from the way he looked at me and spoke to me, like I was both worthy and an equal. Something built between us, drawing me to him, and it confused me. â€Å"You don't know anything about me,† I repeated quietly, my mouth feeling dry. His tentative smile grew bolder. â€Å"I know plenty. I know that you dance and that you're smart – too smart, according to my father. And I know that your family is banned from Lais, bakery because you called her daughter a – â€Å" â€Å"That wasn't my fault,† I interjected quickly. Across the way, my father caught sight of us. I held up a hand of greeting, and he impatiently gestured me over. â€Å"My father wants me.† Kyriakos cast an uncertain look over there and hastily turned back. If I was known for a sharp tongue, my father was reputed to be worse, and however love struck and brazen, Kyriakos apparently wasn't quite up to facing him yet. â€Å"I'll have my father talk to yours.† The earlier joking was gone; Kyriakos was all seriousness now. But there was more than just that. His eyes were looking at me in a way I'd never been looked at before. I felt hot, then cold, and then hot again. A tingle played along my flesh. I couldn't take my eyes away from his. â€Å"This isn't about trade deals,† I whispered. â€Å"No. This is about you and me. You're the one.† I stared, uncharacteristically short on words. My shock now came more from that crazy feeling swirling inside of me, not from the preposterous nature of his proposal – one he shouldn't have even brought up without the involvement of our families. Later I'd learn what a leap this whole conversation had been for him. He was not given to long speeches or bold behavior. He said little, as a general rule, more content to express himself through his eyes and his music, and later†¦after we were married, his lovemaking. â€Å"Look,† he said, suddenly growing nervous as he misinterpreted my silence and expression, â€Å"I've saved. We can get a nice house. You won't have to live with so many people anymore. I'll be gone a lot, but you can probably run things and make deals better than me anyway. Not being able to buy bread will be problematic, but we might be able to afford a servant, or you can learn to – â€Å" â€Å"Shut up,† I said. He stared. â€Å"What?† â€Å"Just shut up. You're wasting time. Go tell your father to talk to mine. And,† I added wryly, â€Å"I know how to make bread.† He caught his breath. â€Å"You're sure?† â€Å"About the bread? Yes, I'm sure.† A slow smile bloomed across his face, spreading up into his eyes, making them smolder. I felt my pulse quicken and smiled back. Nothing else needed to be said. My father yelled again, and I ran off to join him. Pondering this memory and what was now happening with Seth, I stared dazedly out the front window and caught sight of Jody checking the mail. â€Å"Hey,† I told Bastien. â€Å"I want to go say hi to her.† I ran outside and waved, making her break out into one of her big, beautiful smiles. To my surprise, she even hugged me. â€Å"Ooh! I'm so glad to see you. How have you been?† We exchanged a few pleasantries, and then she grabbed my arm excitedly. â€Å"Are you busy today? You want to go to the mall?† To my surprise, that actually sounded like fun. More fun than listening to Bastien bitch and moan. â€Å"Sure.† â€Å"Great. I'll go tell Dana.†

'Using a case study approach, critically appraise and evaluate Essay

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Accounting Information System Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words

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Executive Orders Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

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